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	<title>TMR Blog &#187; Wole Soyinka</title>
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		<title>On Making the Public Personal in Poetry</title>
		<link>http://www.missourireview.com/tmr-blog/2007/10/on-making-the-public-personal-in-poetry/</link>
		<comments>http://www.missourireview.com/tmr-blog/2007/10/on-making-the-public-personal-in-poetry/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2007 22:40:19 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Marc McKee</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Commentaries]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[poetry]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[poets]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Wole Soyinka]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[A few weeks ago at the University of Missouri, I had the opportunity to go and listen to Wole Soyinka, the Nigerian poet, playwright and Nobel Laureate. In fact, I got to see him speak twice: first at a question &#8230; ]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>A few weeks ago at the University of Missouri, I had the opportunity to go and listen to <a href="http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/literature/laureates/1986/soyinka-bio.html">Wole Soyinka, the Nigerian poet, playwright and Nobel Laureate.</a>  In fact, I got to see him speak twice: first at a question and answer session attended by a small group of writers in the Corner Playhouse, and later at a public lecture entitled “The Politics of Art.”  Although the lecture was superlative, it was his responses in the Q&amp;A session that I think will live with me the longest.  There he answered questions about what there was to be learned from the differences in ritual and fundamentalism; how to treat of subjects tragic and huge; how art can try to do what forgiveness cannot; and how to treat of public tragedies in a way that makes them personal.  Soyinka’s answer to this last question, as I heard it, had to do with finding the quintessential humanity of a situation, and it is this consideration that I can’t stop thinking about.</p>
<p>Even as a poet who believes that the full spectrum of human experience is art’s province, no matter what the actual artist has demonstrably, “authentically” experienced, I’m often troubled by the attempts to represent public suffering and catastrophe, current or historical.  Or, more properly, I’m troubled by the fact that such attempts most often fall short of doing justice to human suffering, and instead reduce those concerns to mere reportage or, worse, political sloganeering.  So I’m always cheered by finding or being given poems that reveal a quintessentially human aspect.  As luck would have it, I had recently been rereading the Polish poet <a href="http://www.poetryfoundation.org/archive/poet.html?id=3095">Zbigniew Herbert, </a>who as a teenager fought with the Polish underground against the Nazis and was later, as it says on the dust jacket of his book, <em>Mr. Cogito, </em>“a spiritual leader of the anticommunist movement.”  His work has been a standard-bearer for me when it comes to the questions of representing historical and contemporary suffering of human beings.  After hearing Soyinka’s answer, I immediately thought of Herbert’s poem “Five Men,” which I quote here from <a href="http://www.harpercollins.com/books/9780880010993/Selected_Poems/index.aspx"><em>Selected Poems,</em> </a>translated by Czeslaw Milosz and Peter Dale Scott:</p>
<p>	Five Men</p>
<p>		1</p>
<p>	They take them out in the morning<br />
	to the stone courtyard<br />
             and put them against the wall</p>
<p>             five men<br />
             two of them very young<br />
             the others middle-aged</p>
<p>             nothing more<br />
             can be said about them</p>
<p>                          2</p>
<p>             when the platoon<br />
             level their guns<br />
             everything suddenly appears<br />
             in the garish light<br />
             of obviousness</p>
<p>             the yellow wall<br />
             the cold blue<br />
             the black wire on the wall<br />
             instead of a horizon</p>
<p>             that is the moment<br />
             when the five senses rebel<br />
             they would gladly escape<br />
             like rats from a sinking ship</p>
<p>             before the bullet reaches its destination<br />
             the eye will perceive the light of the projectile<br />
             the ear record a steely rustle<br />
             the nostrils will be filled with biting smoke<br />
             a petal of blood will brush the palate<br />
             the touch will shrink and then slacken</p>
<p>             now they lie on the ground<br />
             covered up to their eyes with the shadow<br />
             the platoon walks away<br />
             their buttons straps<br />
             and steel helmets<br />
             are more alive<br />
             than those lying beside the wall</p>
<p>                          3</p>
<p>	I did not learn this today<br />
	I knew it before yesterday</p>
<p>	so why have I been writing<br />
	unimportant poems on flowers</p>
<p>	what did the five talk of<br />
	the night before the execution</p>
<p>	of prophetic dreams<br />
	of an escapade in a brothel<br />
	of automobile parts<br />
	of a sea voyage<br />
	of how when he had spades<br />
	he ought not have opened<br />
	of how vodka is the best<br />
	after wine you get a headache<br />
	of girls<br />
	of fruit<br />
	of life</p>
<p>	thus one can use in poetry<br />
	names of Greek shepherds<br />
	one can attempt to catch the colour of the morning sky<br />
	write of love<br />
	and also<br />
	once again<br />
	in dead earnest<br />
	offer to the betrayed world<br />
	a rose</p>
<p>The poem is remarkable for many reasons, not the least of which is its insistence on what cannot be said—even as it takes us through the description of being executed, it has already suggested that we can only imagine it as an empathetic moment in the poem which is quickly replaced by the stark realization of the executioners’ uniforms.  Yet, to me, the great lesson here, and one answer to the problem of how to convey the public events as a personal concern, is that our empathy, such as it is, can lead us in our imagination to hear a conversation between the doomed prisoners that rebuffs, if only for a little while, that doom, a conversation that is filled with the awareness of life.  It is this awareness that leads us to make poems, and these poems that address “the betrayed world.”  In the process of making such poems and offering them, we ultimately find what Wole Soyinka referred to as the common humanity which is endangered by such public events of suffering and tragedy.  Imagination gives us that which we cannot otherwise know, and it is the empathy that arises in response to the forms imagination takes—whether an inspired response to a random question or a precisely realized work of art—that make the world and its population personal to us.</p>
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		<title>Poetry and Power</title>
		<link>http://www.missourireview.com/tmr-blog/2007/10/poetry-and-power/</link>
		<comments>http://www.missourireview.com/tmr-blog/2007/10/poetry-and-power/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 11 Oct 2007 22:56:39 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Tim Hayes</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Commentaries]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Allen Ginsberg]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Anna Akhmatova]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[poetry]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[political poetry]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Wole Soyinka]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[It’s something like a universal truth that in times of governmental repression and institutionalized violence poetry becomes an enemy of the state. Consider Anna Akhmatova’s situation in Stalinist Russia: after being identified as a “bourgeois element,” her poetry was banned &#8230; ]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>It’s something like a universal truth that in times of governmental repression and institutionalized violence poetry becomes an enemy of the state. Consider Anna Akhmatova’s situation in Stalinist Russia: after being identified as a “bourgeois element,” her poetry was banned from publication for fifteen years (1925-1940). Wole Soyinka, the great African poet and activist, was driven from his native Nigeria during the Abacha dictatorship for his honest criticism of &#8220;the oppressive boot and the irrelevance of the colour of the foot that wears it.&#8221; Even in the United States, a country that prides itself on protecting the freedom of speech, Allen Ginsberg’s <em>Howl</em> was banned for “obscenity” during the militant and sexually prudish Eisenhower era (apparently Ike’s crew-cut crew at customs didn’t care for Allen’s admission that he and his friends had “let themselves be fucked in the ass by saintly motorcyclists, and screamed with joy”). The list could go on indefinitely, but the pattern is always the same: oppressive governments move to silence the voice of poetry.</p>
<p>But why should this be the case? Why are those who desire absolute power so terrified of an art that, in Auden’s famous phrase, <em>makes nothing happen</em>?</p>
<p><a href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7016090.stm">A more contemporary example</a> may shed light on the question. Consider the thirteenth-century Sufi mystic poet Jalallddin Rumi, whose work (though growing in popularity in the West) has fallen out of favor in contemporary Afghanistan. According to Professor Abdulah Rohen, “the advent of communism in Afghanistan brought poetry into disfavour because it was seen as backward-looking.” Later, when the Taliban rose to power, “they attempted to crush Sufism and outlawed all music.” Despite their ideological differences, what these two oppressive governments shared in common was a strong distaste for Rumi. Clearly, this Rumi is a nefarious character; he dares to make dangerous assertions like:</p>
<blockquote><p>Let the lover be disgraceful, crazy,</p>
<p>absentminded. Someone sober</p>
<p>will worry about things going badly.</p>
<p>Let the lover be.</p></blockquote>
<p>Rumi’s poetry, centrally concerned with the intimate relationship between the soul (as lover) and God (the beloved), is dangerous to all forms of institutionalized cruelty because its message is one of unity, love, understanding, and wonder. He speaks from the heart and strives, through poetry, to give voice to his desire for oneness (the loss of the grasping ego in divine love). But ideologues find it difficult to manipulate the “disgraceful, crazy, absentminded” lover, so Rumi – like Akhmatova, Soyinka, and Ginsberg – is declared an enemy of the state.</p>
<p>This is why fascists of all stripes fear poetry. Poetry is a direct expression of human desire; as such, it is diametrically opposed to the objectives of the repressive state. Therefore poetry, even at its most personal, is always already political. While totalitarian governments survive through misinformation, fear-mongering, and force, true poetry is an act of love: an expression of human desire which inspires love and compassion in others. The best poetry makes us “disgraceful, crazy, absentminded” – that is to say, drunk with the wonder of existence. And this means that even the simplest lyric of love is a political act. So long as power perpetuates itself through division and repression, poetry will oppose it by appealing to what we all have in common: mortality, longing, pain, compassion. To modify a statement by the Buddhist philosopher D.T. Suzuki, “Where power is, poetry is not. Where poetry is, power is not.”</p>
<p>In the context of an American poetry scene that is often troubled by the question, “Can poetry matter?” these meditations suggest an obvious answer: <em>It already does</em>.</p>
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